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LETTER TO T II E V V B L I C 



UPOtf 



POLITICAL PARTIES, CAUCUSES AND CONVENTIONS 



AND 



TIM MilXT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 



BY 



CORNELIUS P. VAN NESS, OF NEW YORK. 






1 



TO T H E PUBLIC 



Claiming the right, as an American citi- cure this end. But the patriots who formed 
zen,of addressing my countrymen on matters our government took special care to guard 
of public concern, I have concluded to do so against such a result, so far as it could be 
at this time, and have chosen the form of a done by constitutional provisions. Conse- 
. letter, as the mode of expressing im views quently, it became necessary for those who 
to them. aspired to govern, to contrive means, unknown 

The subject of my address will be the po- to the. constitution and the laws, in order to 
litics of our country, as connected with the obtain a controlling influence over the politi- 
next Presidential election. And it will be cal power and patronage of the country. And 
my endeavor to establish the two following of all the schemes and devices which have 
propositions ; first, that the people of the been resorted to for that purpose, none has 
United States ought to exercise their right done its work with such sweeping effect as 
of designating the person whom they will the plan of the assemblages, called national 
have to fill the highest office in the country ; nominating conventions, 
and secondly, that Gen. Zachary Taylor is The first President of the United States, 
the most fit and suitable person for their se- General Washington, was elected by the 

I lection as the next President. people, without the aid of any caucus or con- 

That the people, by the constitution, pos- vention, for two successive terms. His suc- 
essthe right of electing the President, will cessor, John Adams, was elected by a ma- 
not be disputed by any one. But it can be jority of vcites without any previous conven- 
easily shown that, from various causes, and tion nomination; and Thomas Jefferson was 
under various pretexts, this great right, so elected in the same way in 1800. 
far as a choice of men is concerned, has be- Previous to Mr. Jefferson's second elec- 
come, in fact, to be exercised by a few of tion, the republican party lost its confidence in 
the leading politicians, without any other Aaron Burr, and it became necessary to se- 
participation on the part of the great* body of lect a candidate for Vice President in Mfl 
the voters, than a mere nominal one. place. For that purpose a caucus of the re- 

During the earlv period of the Govern- publican members of Congress was held in 
ment of this Union, and before party disci- the month of February 1804. George- 
pline regulated all the affairs of the country, Clinton of New York, received the nomi- 
the people at large fixed their mind upon the nation, and the members thought it expedi- 
persons for whom they would vote, and, in ent, at the same time, to nominate Mr. Jef- 
that way, none but distinguished and first ferson for re-election as President. This, 
rate men were elevated to the Presidential I believe, was the first caucus of the kind, 
chair. But, in process of time, the spirit of and it appeared to be considered as an exam- 
political discord made its appearance, and pie for future practice. Accordingly, in the 
the people became divided into two great month of January 1808, a similar caucus 
' parties, both contending for power and supe- was held, at which James Madison was nom- 
riority. This led to a system of organization mated as the successor to Mr. Jefferson. In 
and discipline by which each party was May 1813, Mr. Madison was nominated 
strictly governed, and the tendency of "which in the same way for rejection. And in 
was to increase the influence of the leading March 1816, James Monroe was nominated 
and active men of the respective parties, and in like manner, as the successor of Mr. Ma- 
to lessen that of the masses. dison. Mr. Monroe, I believe, was re-elec- 

The history of the world proves that in all ted in 1820, without an) regulai nomina- 
itries, and in all ages, the J'cir have as- tion. 

J to rule the many,; and most of the >dd, In the yeai 1824, and when Mi M « 
even now existing, governments, have roe's ecood terra was drawin Oj it 

been so constructed a a to favor, if not to se- appeared that William H. Crawford, Andrew 



Jackson, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, 
and John C. Calhoun, were all brought for- 
ward by their friends as candidates for the 
Presidency. Mr. Crawford was known to 
be the strongest of them all with the mem- 
bers of Congress, and the friends of the oth- 
ers protested against a caucus nomination. 
A majority of the republican members, how- 
ever, did assemble and nominate Mr. Craw- 
ford ; but as this was done by a bare majori- 
ty, and without the attendance of those who 
were in favor of the other candidates, it 
proved a failure. This was the end of Con- 
gressional caucuses for the nomination of can- 
didates for the Presidency. 

The election of the same year, (1824,) 
resulted without a choice of President by 
the ^people, and devolved upon the popular 
branch of Congress, by which Mr. Adams 
was elected. But as General Jackson had 
received the highest number of electoral 
votes, and was evidently the most popular 
man, he was immediately started as a candi- 
date for the subsequent election, and was 
triumphantly chosen. 

Well, as Gen. Jackson's first term was 
about to expire, it was determined by the 
leaders'of his party to make a change in the 
office of Vice President. But since Congres- 
sional caucuses had been abandoned, or ra- 
ther broken down, a meeting was gotten up 
at Baltimore, of delegates said to he from 
the people of the several States.' At that 
meeting Martin Van Buret) was nominated 
for Vice President, and General Jackson 
was recommended for re-election as Presi- 
dent. Similar meetings, under the name of 
national conventions, have since been held 
every four years, until the year 1844, when 
the nomination of James K. Polk took place. 

With the course pursued by the Whigs 1 
am not so well acquainted. But it is a well 
known fact that they have always ap- 
peared to be an active and thoroughly or- 
ganized party, with the exception Of the 
time of Mr. Monroe's administration. I am 
not aware, however, that thev have held 
any regular national convention, until thai at 
Harrisburgh, in December 1839, by which 
Gen. Harrison was nominated ; though they 
appear now to be as well pleased with that 
machinery a? their opponents have ever been. 
But whatever may have been the manner of 
carrying on their political operations, it will 
hardly be denied that the Whig leaders have 



always exercised as powerful an influence 
over the masses of their party, as can have 
been the case in the. Democratic partv. 

The ground upon which the congressional 
caucuses and national conventions have been 
tolerated by the people, has been the sup- 
position that, without general nominations, 
the people of the several States would be 
likely to set up different persons, and thus 
produce a result which would carry the elec- 
tion into the House of Representatives ot 
the United States. Supposing this to be 
true, and what then ? Will not a moment's 
calm reflection satisfy any impartial mind 
that the evils to which the conventions have 
led are altogether of a more serious nature, 
than an election of President, now and then, 
should it so happen, by the House of Repre- 
sentatives ? Certainly, everybody who has 
had anything to do with partv politics knows 
that, in the course of time, the nominations 
made by the conventions became to be tan- 
tamount to actual elections. That is, so far 
as the political parties, in whose names they 
were made, had the strength to elect. It is 
true, they were proclaimed to be only re- 
commendatory to the people ; but it is equal- 
ly true, that the partv man who did not im- 
plicitly submit to the recommendation, what- 
ever might be his objections to the nominee, 
or however high his own standing, was read 
out of his party, and, perhaps, politically 
disgraced. In this way was an actual coer- 
cion exercised over the political conduct of 
the people at large, alike incompatible with 
the right of individual opinion, and danger- 
ous to the freedom and purity of elections. 
At the same time, this powerful machine- 
ry, this tremendous engine, was under the 
guidance and control of a dozen or so of the 
leading men throughout the Union. The 
great body of the people paid little atten- 
tion to the primary meetings in the States, 
through which the general, conventions were 
principally organized ; while, on the other 
hand, the agents and partizans of those who 
held the wires, were sure to attend in suffi- 
cient numbers to secure the appointment pi 
the delegates which had been named tor 
them. This practice was reduced to a per- 
fect system. The mass of the voters, there- 
tore, had very little to do with the choice of 
the candidates for whom they were to vote ; 
and, in that little, those of them who took 
part were merely used as instruments to pro- 
mulgate nominations which had been pre- 



vioush settled and determined upon by a. throughout the Union ; and the intelligence 
select few. and observation of the people of the several 

It is proper here to explain, thai in speak- States would, generally, if not at all times, 
ing of leading men, in connexion with the enable them to judge as to the one who would 
discipline of party, it is not intended to in- be most likely to command a majority of the 
' elude, generally, the large body of leading votes of all the States. If after all, how- 
and distinguished characters in either party, ever, the election should occasionally go 
A great portion of them have had no con- into Congress, the great interests of the 
eern'with the peculiar management and tac- country could not materially suffer by the 
tics which have been referred to. On the choice of either of the three persons indicat- 
contrary, there is the strongest reason to be- ed by the people themselves, 
licve not only that they would be satisfied A remark or two more upon the conven- 
to see an end put to a system fraught with tions and I will pass on to other points. — 
so great evils, but thai tbey will come for- From the fact which has already appeared, 
ward and render essential aid to the people, that the first congressional caucus, and the. 
in the coming struccle. ti ist national convention, were each called 

But what "ground is their for the objec- for the special purpose of nominating a cau- 
tions which have been urged against an didate for Vice President, and that in both 
election of President by the House of Rep- cases the choice fell upon New York politi- 
resentatives, when no choice has been made cians (both indeed good men,) as well as 
by the people ? The members o'f Congress from the fact that the two meetings, at the 
are chosen by their respective districts, at times they respectively took place, were in 
elections where all the people vote ; and in accordance with the manner of making 
a case like, this they perform an official nominations in the same State ; that is, first 
and constitutional duty, under their respon- by the members of the State Legislature, 
sibility to their constituents. And, above and afterwards by State conventions ; it is 
all, triev can set up no candidates of their but fair to conclude that both were indebted 
own, but are compelled to eiect one of three, for their origin to influences from that State, 
persons for whom the. people themselves Now, if you will turn your attention to the 
shall have already voted. On the other same quarter, it. will be seen that these con- 
hand, what is the responsibility, and to ventions have not only been denounced there, 
whom, of the delegates to the nominating but that their influence has been essentially 
conventions ? Are they, generally, more impaired, if not destroyed. And, from pre- 
worthv of trust, or less liable to be influenc- sent appearances, there can be but little 
ed by improper considerations, than the doubt that, if another democratic national 
members of Congress : In fine, which of convention should meet, two sets of dele- 
the two is the preferable mode of election ; gates will appear from New York, and both 
since it has been shown that the nomina- claiming their seats, as the true representa- 
tions in question arc tantamount to elections ? fives of the party. 

For nearly the same reasons would nomina- Finally, if any proof were wanting of 
tions by the members of Congress be pre- the complete fallacy of the convention sys- 
ferable, if nominations were at all ncces- tern being a reflection of the public senti- 
sarv. ment, it would be found in the proceedings 

Neither is there, in my view, any good of the democratic convention of 1844. Mr. 
foundation for the assumption that the peo- Van Buren and General Cass were the per- 
ple, if left to themselves, would not be able sons to whom their party, principally, looked 
to elect, their presidents, without the inter- for a candidate for the Presidency. And, 
vention of the House of Representatives. — whatever may be the merits of Mr. Polk, 
Had the course pursued in the elections of surely no one of that party, nor of any party, 
the early presidents, as also in that of Gen. even dreamed that he would be nominated. 
Jackson, been continued, there would have And is it not a well known fact, that he was 
been ltttle or no difficulty in regard to the scarcely taken into consideration in the con- 
selection of candidates lor the office of Chief test of that year, but was borne along, as 
Magistrate. The characters and qualifica- an almost invisible speck, upon the mighty 
tions of the leading statesmen of our coun- wings of a popular and irresistible wind 
try, are always well known and understood which swept over the country? 



4 

Now, then,i? it not high time for the peo- Jefferson, and other distinguished men,- who 
pie of this Union to take this matter serious- afterwards 1 became leaders in the republican 
ly in hand, and to put an end to the system party. This party, on the. expiration of thp 
which has been described ? But to make charter, about the year 1811, refused to re- 
the triumph complete, and its effects perma- new it, upon the ground, principally, that 
nent, it becomes important that the masses the constitution did not authorize such an in- 
of both the existing parties should unite stitution. But during the war with England, 
their strength, and act in concert, in this which commenced soon afterwards, the gov- 
great and holy cause. That great exertions ernment found so much difficulty in raising 
will be made to prevent such an union can- the necessary funds to carry it on, that the 
not be doubted. The chief managers of republicans then regretted they had not re- 
both parties will see in it an end to their newed the charter of the old bank, and be- 
vocation, and to their greatness. The craft came desirous for a new one. Accordingly, 
will be in danger, and like the men of President Madison, and his Secretary of the 
Ephesus who cried out, " Great is Diana of Treasury, Mr. Dallas, both recommended to 
the Ephesians," you will hear one proclaim, Congress the establishment of another bank. 
u We must stick to the usages of . our party In pursuance of those recommendations, a 
or we are gone.'' Another will tell you, bill .creating a new bank was passed in 
" We must stand by the great principles for April 1816,' by the votes of the republican 
which we have so long contended, or the party, and was opposed by most ot the lead- 
country will be ruined.'" And a third will ing federalists then in Congress. President 
exclaim, in the utmost apparent distress, Madison signed the bill, and it became a 
u My God, are you going to unite with law. This bank went into operation about 
men whom you have always opposed, and the commencement of the year 1817, and in 
whose principles you have so strongly con- the course of some thirteen or fourteen years, 
demned ? " Well, let us, for a moment, it being, principally, in the hands of the fed- 
examine the objections to a concert of action eralists, and having grown into great favor 
by the people, irrespective of old party divi- with them, the republicans began to turn 
sions, at the approaching election of President, against it, and to fall back upon the old ques- 

At the formation of the constitution there tion of constitutionality. The whole country 
were, doubtless, some among the patriots of will, of course, remember the great struggle 
that day who entertained fears that the coun- which resulted in the downfall of that bank, 
try could not bear a. government so republi- In .1841, the Whigs having obtained ma- 
can as that which was finally given to it. — jorities in both branches of Congress, passed 
And when it went into operation, a desire a bill for another bank, but it was prevented 
was believed to exist in the minds of the from becoming a law by President Tyler's 
aame class of men to give to such provisions veto. Since this latter period a great change 
of the instrument, as appeared doubtful in appears to have taken place throughout the 
themselves, or open for different opinions, a country with regard to the necessity and ex- 
construction that would confer upon the gen- pediency of such an institution, and the mea- 
eral government the greatest practicable sure is now generally admitted to be an u ob- 
strength. There is reason to believe, there- solete idea." But we have seen that both 
fore, that the two paities were originally parties, in their turn, have been in favor of, 
formed upon divisions in regard to those prin- and opposed to, a national bank, 
ciples. But the same grounds of division do The question of high or low duties, or as 
not exist at the present day. All now agree it is commonly called, the tariff, cannot pro- 
that our constitution is the best that could perly be considered a party one, but par- 
have been formed. And as to the particu- takes rather of a sectional character. The 
lar questions of construction, they have been tariffs of 1816, 1824, and 1828, were pass- 
so bandied about by the politicians on all ed through Congress, mainly, by republican 
sides, that not one of them can, with truth votes ; and there has ever been, more or less, 
and reason, be designated as an actual and a mixture of opinions on this subject in both 
permanent party question, at this time, so parties, 
far as the old party lines are concerned. So, too, with regard to the powei 

The establishment of the first United general government to make internal impiove- 
States Bank, in 1791, was opposed by Mr. ments, or to grant money for that purpose.-— 



i 

The southern politicians are opposed to it, will be readily admitted? At the same time, 

while those in the west ?ud north are gene- the divisions arising in this manner would 

rally in favor of it. Surely, upon this ques- cease to exist with the discontinuance, or the 

lion the division is not upon pn rty grounds, beneficial results, of such measures. But 

And, indeed, the same may be said of any that is a very different matter from the per- 

other questions which are yet occasionally manent existence of two organized parties', 

agitated in Congress. each determined, at all hazard, to govern the 

The annexation of Texas to this Union, country, and to appropriate to its own mem- 
raised a temporary issue, but that is at an bers, exclusively, the personal benefits, whe- 
cnd. It is true, we are now engaged in a ther of honor or profit, resulting from the pus- 
war which may have grown out of that an- session of power ; and all this upon the an- 
nexation; and there exists some difference of surd charges of both, that their opponents 
opinion in regard to its propriety, as well as entertain principles at war with the genius 
to the maimer of conducting it. It is to be of our institutions, and destructive to Hie b<Jsrf 
hoped, however, that an honorable peace will interests of the country. 
eoon put an end to this state of things. But It is upon the same ground' ol predeter- 
it cannot be doubted that a continuance of it mined and indiscriminate hostility off the pre- 
would serve to increase the importance of a sent parties to all measures adopted, or pro- 
union of the people, in the election of a Pre- posed, by their opponents, that we can never 
sident who would have the confidence of the be united even in a war with a foreign coun- 
whole country, and thus be the better enabled try. For no impartial man can believe that, 
to restore us to a state of peace and prosperity, if the Whigs had been in power when this 

What sound reasons, then, exist to keep war commenced, and the Democrats in a 
you longer separated into two hostile politi- minority of more than forty years standing, 
cal divisions ? You all equally love your the latter would have avoided the error, (as 
country, and its government. You live on I conceive it to be) info which the Whigs- 
terms of good neighborhood, and mingle, as are running. The opposition to the war, 
friends, around the social board. Your chil- therefore, does not. arise from any difference 
dren intermarry, and your united prayers arc in the characteror patriotism of theindividual* 
poured forth at the holy altar for their happi- of which the two parties arc composed, but s 
ness, and prosperity. And still more, your an inevitable consequence of the character 
sons go forth, with united hearts, to fight and position of the existing parties, as such 
against the common enemy, and on the bat- I come, now to the second 'branch of un- 
tie field, Democrat and Whig, side by side, subject, which is, that General Tavlor is the 
shed their blood in the cause of their beloved most proper and suitable person tor the peo- 
country. Tell me-, is there nothing in con- pie to elect, at the present crisis, to the of- 
"iderations like these which can restore to fice of President. 

reason the dominion over prejudice, and per- It appears that he entered the annvof the 

suade you to make one united effort to dis- United States when quite young, and that 

card the baneful spirit of party, which has so he has risan from a. Lieutenant of a compa- 

long, and so deeply, agitated our country ? ny, through all the gradations, to the rank 

A spirit which impedes all fair and impartial of Major General. He served in the last 

examination of public measures, and always war with England, and in the Florida In- 

excludes from any participation in the honors dian war, with great credit to himself; and 

and emoluments of the public employments, his <;icat and successful career in the present 

a. whole party, composing, generally, about war with Mexico, lias few, if any, parallels 

one-half of the people throughout the Union, in history. His character is admitted to be 

You may be told that there, will alwavs unexceptionable, and it cannot be denied 

be parties in free countries, and even that that his capacity is of a high order. The 

their existence is beneficial, by producing n soundness of his judgment has been evinced 

watchfulness over the acts of the. government, in all his movements and operations, as well 

That there would, under any circumstances, as by his official reports, while his calmness 

be honest differences of opinion among you and self-possession have shone conspicuous 

in regard to individual public measures, and at all times, and especiallv in the most criti- 

thus opposition to acts of an administration cal and perilous moments, 
be occasionally, if not frequently, produced, Some object to General Taylor lor Presi- 



dent because he is a military man. They 
sai me Constitution will be in danger from 
(he elevation of successful soldiers to I he 
head of the government The same pre- 
diction has been heretofore made, though 
not verified. Besides, the very exclusion 
proposed, of military men, would in my 
judgment, be the most likely mode of bring- 
ing on the apprehended danger. For, if 
the constitutional way to political honor and 
preferment he Lejfl open alike to the indi- 
viduals of the civil and the military, having 
regard only to personal qualifications, then 
the motives for attempting to obtain power 
by other and unlawful means are removed. 
This, too, is in accordance with the intrinsic 
justice of the case. 

If, however, any one should, tor a mo- 
ment, suspect that the heart, of our hero has 
lost any of its natural tenderness or sensi- 
bility, by war, or a military life, I would re- 
fer him to the following expression from one 
of the General's letters, which perfectly be- 
speaks the man. "I know not how others 
felt, but for myself, how much soever I may 
forget, m the hour of battle, the sad consi - 
quehces of the strife, they always rush ppo« 
my mind afterwards, ma/.int/ my hear! sink\ 
and coming trie to, feel lihc a child." 

Again, it is said that General Taylor v. ill 
make no declaration of his principles. What 
principles ? Is he suspected of being un- 
faithful to (he constitution, or of wanting to 
change it for another form of government ? 
Does any one believe that he desires to op- 
press the people, or to curtail them of anv of 
their legitimate rights? Surely, all will 
answer 2s 0, to these questions. Then what 
declaration is wanting from General Taylor : 
A Whig partizan will tell you, that he wants 
to know whether he will support these im- 
portant principles which the great Whig 
party have so much at heart. A Demon . i 
■ ill say that he cannot support the General, 
until he is distinctly assured that he will 
stand by the Democracy of the country, in 
their struggles with the aristocracy. Do let 
me here tell you a short anecdote. During the 
presidency of Mr. Madison, a member of 
Congress from the north made him a visit 
"lie day, and, in the course of the conversa- 
tion, the President inquired of him vvhal 
was the difference, in principle, between 
the Presbyterian and the ConffrefSrational 
churches in his part of the country. The 
cpngress.man was somewhat puzzled -with 



the question, but directly collected himself, 
and answered : " Why, sir, I believe the 
only real difference is, that the one sings 
long metre, and the other short metre, but 
they make a devil of a fuss about it." 

The truth is, both parties are determined, 
if possible, to force the General out of the 
hands of the people into their own, and, 
therefore are they desirous to draw from 
him some pledges or opinions in their favor. 
But they will fail. Washington would give 
no pledges before his election, nor will Tay- 
lor do so. The people trusted the. one, and 
they will trust the other. Thev fee! satis- 
fied that he will decide ably, honestly and 
fearlessly, all questions that may constitu- 
tionally come before him as President. — 
But the President does not constitute the 
government. It belongs to Congress to pass 
all kiws, and the Executive has a qualified 
negative upon their acts. Who can tell at 
this time what acts may be hereafter passed 
by Congress, or what questions will come 
before the President ; or under what circum- 
stances those bills will come before him that 
may be passed r In short, nothing can be 
mure improper and injurious, than the exact- 
ing, or the making, of pledges in regard to 
individual measures, previous to an election 
of President, and even long in advance. 

But there are other considerations which 
cannot tail to operate, powerfully in favor of 
the General. He is the man, above all 
others, upon whom the people can unite, re- 
gardless of old party prejudices, and, at the 
same time, without any sacrifice of principle, 
or even of pride. He has never been iden- 
tified with party contests, and, indeed, knows 
no party but the people at large. And what 
is still better, he mill know no other' party. 
He has chosen his political position, and 
there can scarcely be a doubt that it, will 
prove as impregnable as was his military po- 
sition at Buena Vista. The ground ftov 
occupied by him, with reference to the Pre- 
sidency, cannot be so appropriately ani 
beautifully described as in his own words. 
Here they arc. "If ever I fill that high of- 
fice if must be untrammelled with party ob- 
ligations or interests of any kind, and under 
none but those which the constitution, and 
the high interests of the nation at largo, 
most seriously and solemnly demand.'* 1 
addition to this, he has declared, thai 
would neither be the candidate of a pat' v. 
nor the President of a party ; but if a i 



didate at all, the candidate of the people, 
and. if elected, the President of the people. 

Now, my countrymen, do you not fully 
approve these, sentiments, and has not ever) 
word used in giving utterance to them 
reached your hearts r And yet let me tell 
you, that these very declarations will form 
the principal ground of opposition to the 
General's election. Has it not already been 
insisted upon that no man can be elected 
President, except as the. candidate of one or 
the other of the two parties ? Indeed, has 
not General Taylor been ridiculed for sub- 
mitting his case to the hands of the people r 
The questions have been again and again 
asked, and in a sneering manner, too, 
u What can the people do without the lead- 
ers ? " u How are they to go to work to 
make a President, without a regular nomi- 
nation from one of the parties ? " I trust 
the citizens of this great and free country 
will answer these questions for themselves, 
by shoiving what they can do, and how they 
can elect a President. » 

There have been several instances where 
candidates for the Presidency have declared, 
that, if elected, thev would be the President 
of the nation, and not of a party. But not 
one of them, when in office, has found him- 
self able to redeem his word, however hon- 
est he may have been in pledging it. The 
plain reason of this is, that neither of them 
was elected by the nation, but each by a par- 
ty, and thus, unavoidably, they became par- 
ty Presidents. Of course, 1 do not mean to 
lie understood,, that, for a President, to be 
elected by the nation, he must receive the 
votes of the whole people; but that those 
voting for him should do so without reference 
to party feelings or distinctions, on their 
part, or to any expectation of party conduct 
or leaning on his part, if elected. 

It will be clearly seen, then, that the. only 
way in which a President for the whole na- 
tion can be elected, is upon the plan now 
proposed. And never, since the country be- 
came divided into two parties, has an occa- 
sion offered so favorable, as the present, for 
the accomplishment of so great an object. — 
The man who has served his country for forty 
years ; who has so often staked his life in 

Washington-, February loth, 1848. 



hei cause, .nid si. large!) contributed to the 
acquirement tor her of the must resplendenl 
and enduring glory; the man who, when 
called to account bj earthly power, has de- 
clared, before high heaven, that he "asks 
no favor, and shrinks from no responsibility;" 
this man, this great and patriotic man, has 
spurned the harness of party, and buckled 
on the armor of the people. Will the. peo- 
ple look quietly on, and see their friend and 
champion defeated, and their own flag struck 
down by the trained bands of party? No, 
it cannot be God will never permit such 
injustice to swav the hearts of a noble peo- 
ple. 

Nothing is necessary to secure their tri- 
umph, but forthe masses of the people to move, 
and to hold meetings, in all the States, and 
to nominate tickets for electors favorable to 
their cause. Let the genera] movement once 
he commenced in earnest, and thousands up- 
on thousands, who now appear quiet and un- 
determined, will flock to the common stand- 
ard. And great numbers who are still re- 
luctant, or afraid, to cast off the shackles of 
party, when they shall witness the might} 
gatherings of the masses, will catch their 
spirit, and come among them, like so many 
Sauls among the prophets. Let the part) 
euiiventions meet at Baltimore, and at Phila- 
delphia, and, if they please, go through the 
form of making nominations. .No proceed- 
ings of this kind can at all impede the people 
in their progress, towards the accomplishment 
of the great work which thev have in hand. 

I must now close this letter, but have 
much more u> say, which will be left for 
other occasions. It lias been my aim to de- 
clan' what I believe to be the truth, without 
fear or favor, and with as much impartiality 
as preconceived opinions and feelings would 
permit. At the same time, 1 have endeav- 
ored to refrain from all remarks of an excit- 
ing character, since my object is to promote 
forbearance and reconciliation. And, above 
all, do I desire it to be understood, that 
nothing which has been said, has been in- 
tended as personal, or disrespectful, us it 
regards any individual whatever. 

I have the honor to remain 

the Public's humble servant. 

C. P VAN NESS 



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